Stephen Roach, Managing Director and Chief Economist of Morgan Stanley: Labor versus Capital, Oct 23, 2006

What do the world's three largest economies USA, Japan and Germany have in common? The answer underscores one of the key tensions of globalization -- unrelenting pressure on labor income. The corollary of that phenomenon is equally revealing -- ever-rising returns to the owners of capital. For a global economy in the midst of its strongest four-year boom since the early 1970s, this tug-of-war between labor and capital is an increasingly serious source of disequilibrium. In all three economies unemployment has been declining in recent years. Nor are there any signs of a meaningful upturn in German real wages; to the contrary, inflation-adjusted compensation per worker in the overall business sector has actually declined in four of the past five years.

The case of Europe merits special comment. European real compensation per employee has been basically unchanged since 2001. The structural forces are simply far too powerful -- namely, globalization, a shift to part-time and temporary employment, and the diminished power of European labor unions. Far from marching to its own beat, the European worker is in the same shape as those elsewhere in the industrial world -- suffering from the unrelenting pressures of relatively stagnant real wages. At work are the increasingly powerful forces of globalization -- namely, the combination of intensified cross-border competition and a wrenching global labor arbitrage that has given rise to an extraordinary productivity push in the high-wage industrial world.

The good news is that the productivity payback is at hand. The United States has recorded a decade of 2.8% productivity growth -- doubling the sluggish 1.4% gains recorded from 1974 to 1995. Japanese productivity growth has averaged 2.1% over the past three years -- nearly double the 1.2% trend from 1995 to 2002. Even German productivity has been in the rise -- expanding at a 1.7% annual rate over the past five quarters -- more than double the anemic 0.7% trend over the 1998 to 2004 period. The bad news is that these breakthroughs on the productivity front have not resulted in any meaningful improvement in labor's share of the pie. Therein lies the puzzle: Economics teaches us that real wages ultimately track productivity growth -- that workers are rewarded in accordance with their marginal product. Yet that has not been the case in the high-wage economies of the industrial world in recent years. By our estimates, the real compensation share of national income for the so-called "G-7 plus" (the US, Japan, the 12-country euro-zone, the UK, and Canada) fell from 56% in 2001 to what appears to be a record low of 53.7% in 2006.

Of course, it is important to distinguish between the transitory results of the business cycle and the structural interplay between underlying trends in productivity and real wages. It may be that productivity strategies are dominate by cost cutting; with labor the largest slice of business production expenses, such tactics lead to constant pressure on the compensation share of national income. It may also be that the improvements in labor market conditions are so recent -- especially in Japan and Germany -- that the real wage lags simply haven't had time to kick in. The US experience draws that latter hope into serious question. Fully 10 years into a spectacular productivity revival, real wages remain nearly stagnant and the labor share of national income continues to move lower. If the flexible American worker can't do it, why should we presume that others in the industrial world would be any more fortunate?

This takes us to what could well be the biggest challenge in this era of globalization -- the ability of the high-wage developed world to convert productivity gains into increases in the labor share of national income. In a recent paper, Richard Freeman of Harvard, long one of the world's most prominent labor economists, underscores the very tough uphill battle that high-wage workers in the rich countries face in this era of globalization. By his calculation, the ascendancy of China, India, and the former Soviet Union has added about 1.5 billion new workers to the global economy -- essentially equaling the amount elsewhere in the world. With global trade and production increasingly shifting into the low-wage developing and transitional economies, what I have called the "global labor arbitrage" puts inexorable pressure on real wages in the high-wage industrial world. Some would argue that the worst of the arbitrage is over -- as wage inflation now takes off in China and India. Don't count on it. Our estimates suggest that even after five years of double-digit wage inflation in China, hourly compensation for Chinese manufacturing workers remains at only 3% of levels prevailing in the major industrial economies.

While labor gets squeezed, the owners of capital have enjoyed far more flexibility in this climate. Facing extraordinary competitive pressures, corporations have redoubled their efforts on the productivity front. And, as noted above, those efforts have indeed borne fruit -- for over a decade in the US and more recently in Japan in Germany. The fruits of those efforts show up in the form of surging corporate profitability and increased share prices -- with commensurate gains accruing to those workers/ households that are fortunate enough to hold shares. America, with its growing incidence of share ownership, has led the change in that regard. But this has hardly been a panacea for most US workers. Federal Reserve survey data show that 63% of families in the upper decile of the wealth distribution owned stocks in 2004 -- nearly four times the average 19% ownership share in the remaining 90% of the wealth distribution; moreover, median equity holdings amounted to $110,000 per household in the same upper decile --fully 13 times average holdings of $8,350 in the remainder of the wealth distribution.

Today, courtesy of a doubling of the world's work force and an increasingly potent global labor arbitrage, high-wage workers in the industrial world are all but powerless to act. But their elected representatives are not. Witness the recent surge of protectionist sentiment -- especially in the United States but also in Europe. Nor do I suspect this political backlash to globalization will fade in the aftermath of the upcoming mid-term election in the United States -- especially, as seems likely, if the Democrats garner sizable gains in the Congress. Pressures on high-wage workers in the industrial world are likely to endure for years to come -- irrespective, or perhaps because of, the push for higher productivity growth. As a result, I suspect the angst of labor will remain high on the political agenda for the foreseeable future.# Contrary, to orthodox "win-win" theory, globalization is a highly asymmetrical phenomenon. Initially, it creates far more producers than consumers. It also results in extraordinary imbalances between nations with current account deficits and surpluses. And it has led to a widening disparity of the returns between labor and capital. Does this mean that globalization is inherently unsustainable? Probably not. But it does mean that the most destabilizing phase of this mega-trend could well be close at hand. As seen through surging corporate profitability, the returns to capital have never been greater. Meanwhile the shares of labor income have never been lower. As day follows night, the pendulum will swing the other way -- and so will the balance between real wages and business profitability. It's just a question of when -- and under what circumstances.